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Dismantling Racism                                                                         Resource Book


               white nationalist movement.” (White nationalism is a social movement whose members believe
               the U.S. is a white nation but that whites have lost control of the state. While some are members
               of white supremacist groups, the majority are not.)

               The Coalition has built a network of local human rights groups that: provide support to hate
               crime victims; pressure local school boards to adopt culturally relevant curricula; maneuver to
               block white nationalist efforts at mainstreaming themselves; and work on issues ranging from
               attacks on abortion clinics to anti-immigrant organizing. “While people of color are ultimately
               affected most by the growth of the white nationalist movement, it’s middle class whites who are
               being recruited. We’re out here competing for this same constituency,” said Ward.

               Since its founding in 1987, the Coalition has evolved into something uncommon: a people-of-
               color-run group that organizes rural whites. Ward and other racial justice organizers note the
               importance of whites learning to take leadership from people of color, particularly on issues of
               race. Challenging anywhere, this work takes on a particular character in rural towns in states like
               Wyoming and Idaho. “We’re often interacting with people who have never dealt with a person of
               color in a leadership position,” Ward says. “Some have never met a person of color. We deal
               with what I’d call common, normalized racism and stereotypes all the time.” But, says Ward, the
               real challenge comes from, “larger, well-resourced organizations that are simply not as
               supportive of people of color leading a large white constituency as they are of white people
               leading large people-of-color constituencies.”

               Ward concedes that people of color in this country are more likely to die as a result of
               institutionalized racism than at the hands of violent bigots. “So, as people of color organizers, we
               tend to believe that it’s not a priority to fight white nationalism and we tend to let white people
               off the hook for this work, as well.”

               But in dismissing the movement as marginal “extremists” we overlook its influence on
               mainstreamed, institutionalized racism. After all, it’s a short walk from David Duke’s 1980s
               attacks on affirmative action as “reverse discrimination” to the current mainstream attacks. He
               asks, “If we believe that our progressive social movements can fundamentally restructure
               society, why would we think that reactionary social movements cannot?”


               Enlarging Indian Country

               This whole region was once Indian Country. Five hundred years after colonization began, Native
               Americans struggle to shed an invisibility that aids and abets continuing genocide. “It’s a little
               bit better in Montana,” says Indian People’s Action director Janet Robideau, “because the Indian
               vote is significant.” Montana’s population is about 8% Native American and there are seven
               reservations spread across the state.  Tribal governments have won a certain level of political
               clout, but the half of Montana’s Indians who live off-reservation have had no organized voice for
               their communities.

               “Everyone assumed that our issues were on sovereignty and fishing and water,” explains
               Robideau, who organizes urban Indians in Montana. “It’s not that we don’t care about those





               Dismantling Racism Project                            82                                          Western States Center
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